Civil war in camp 97% - Ochereome Nnanna

Posted by Factnews | 7 years ago | 2,246 times



YOU probably know what I mean by Camp 97%. In case you don’t, let me explain. You will recall that soon after he was sworn into office last year, President Muhammadu Buhari paid a state visit to the United States, apparently to thank President Barack Obama, the American State Establishment and Media, for helping him win the 2015 election. Before he returned to Nigeria, he was invited to the United States Institute of Peace, USIP, in Washington DC, where he addressed an audience moderated by the United States Under-Secretary for African Affairs, Johnny Carson.

 

That event turned out to be momentous. A question by one Dr. Pauline Baker, seeking to know how inclusive his government was going to be, drew out Buhari raw and unedited. After (seemingly) battling to be schooled on the meaning of “inclusive government”, the President said:

 


"I hope you have a copy of the election results. The constituents, for example, (that) gave me 97% (of the vote) cannot in all honesty be treated on some issues with constituencies that gave me 5%.” Forget about the mathematical queerness of this answer. If you have 97% the remaining should be 3% but our President said it was 5%. Fortunately, a person who failed Maths in his School Certificate can hire a thousand Maths professors as President. It was not until Buhari started constituting the inner parapets of his government – the government before the government – that the meaning of “97%” and “5%” became clear.

 

From the National Security Adviser to the Chief of Staff, to Secretary to the Government of the Federation to Director General of the State Security Services, to Acting National Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, and later on, the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, the main anti-graft agency, it was a lineup of his kinsmen and close associates. Far away from the President’s mind was the principle of Federal Character which the Constitution directs should be formula for sharing public offices to give every section of the country a sense of belonging.

 

Those were the days when the propaganda machine of the new regime was working on high octane. The “New sheriff in town” used his magical “Body language” to raise the value of the Naira against the Dollar, increase the production capacity of our refineries, bring about improved power supply and get looters to return their loots even before Buhari declared the war on graft. All Progressives Congress, APC, loudmouths, Alhaji Lai Mohammed and Garba Shehu, were joined by Femi Adesina (alias Kulikuli) to spin surreal meanings out of Buhari’s every move and non-move. They told us that Buhari chose Northerners and his kinsmen to fill his kitchen cabinet because they were people he had known all his life and could trust.

 

That a leader who had ruled this country before and been in the federal government for over forty years did not know and could not trust anyone from outside his regional and family circles struck me as extremely odd. But Buhari’s hailers said we should allow him to pick his messianic janissaries of Change, even if all of them came from the same village, as one of them put it. Buhari spent six months putting his cabinet in place, and his hailers said he was being very careful to pick “the best” hands. Nineteen months later, we can see how “best” these people have been with their performances, what with words from the Presidency that, at least, ten of them will be sent home in January 2017. More importantly, Buhari’s kitchen cabinet is no longer a united cabal. We are used to presidential cabals bunching together to push a shared agenda that is usually associated with the President’s interest with theirs tucked under it. When the late President Umaru Yar’ Adua became terminally sick, his Katsina cabal led by his wife, Turai, ran the show, excluding Vice President Goodluck Jonathan from power. Buhari’s case is unique. The man, to the best of my knowledge, is hale and hearty. Yet, his kitchen cabinet has not only split into factions, they are fighting dirty. When a leader sits pretty while his “trusted men” fight one another, there is a leadership vacuum. The civil war in Buhari’s Camp 97% was confirmed some weeks ago when the President’s wife, Hajiya Aisha Buhari, raised the alarm that “a few people” had hijacked her husband’s government leaving out those who helped him to power.

 

She threatened not to support his 2019 ambition unless he did something about it. Buhari perfunctorily dismissed her concerns. Aisha merely confirmed her husband was not in control. What other proof do we need that there is power vacuum other than the saga of Magu’s Senate confirmation as EFCC Chairman? Magu is the main points-man of Buhari’s touted anti-graft war. Most Nigerians did not smell a rat when the SSS, which is under Buhari’s kinsman, Lawal Daura, usurped EFCC’s job to stage the midnight “sting” operation on some judges, mostly those who have “crossed” the interests of the regime. Daura and the Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, are working together against Magu. Magu’s recent enlistment of Aisha to launch Women Against Corruption, WAC, was a ploy to bring her to his side against the other faction of the cabal. In response, the other faction sent a damaging report against him to the Senate to make sure he was not confirmed as EFCC Chairman. How could these be going on under an effective leader? On which side is President Buhari in this civil war of Camp 97%? Will he side Magu (who is enjoying Aisha’s support) and save his anti-graft war? Or would he settle with the AGF and SSS faction, which appear more interested in furthering his political interests which will ultimately serve theirs? Will Buhari settle for a peace of the graveyard among his kinsmen? And where is Nigeria’s interest in all these? Where is the Change?


Source: Vanguard

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